Racial classification of Indian** immigrants by the U.S. judiciary[1][2]
Year Case Judgment Rationale Applicant's Ethnicity
1909 In Bhicaji Balsarawhitecongressional intentParsi[3]
1910 U.S. v. DollaWhite**Ocular inspection of skinAfghan born in India[3]
1910 U.S. v. Bhicaji BalsaraWhitescientific evidence, congressional intentParsi[3]
1913 In re Akhay Kumar MozumdarWhitelegal precedent"high-caste" North Indian "Aryan"[4]
1917 In re Sadar Bhagwab Singhnot Whitecommon knowledge, congressional intent"Hindu",[5] no reference to caste[3]
1919 In re Mohan SinghWhitescientific evidence, legal precedent"high caste Hindu" "Aryan"[3][6]
1920 In re ThindWhitelegal precedence"high caste Hindu", born in Punjab[7]
1923 U.S. v. Thindnot Whitecommon knowledge, congressional intent"high caste Hindu", born in Punjab[7]
1923 U.S. v. Akhay Kumar Mozumdarnot Whitelegal precedent"high-caste" North Indian "Aryan"[4]
1925 U.S. v. Alinot White***common knowledge"Arabian" from the Punjab[8]
1928 U.S. v. Gokhalenot Whitelegal precedent"Aryan Hindu of high caste"[9]
1939 Wadia v. U.S.not Whitecommon knowledgeParsi[10]
1942 Kharaiti Ram Samras v. U.S.not Whitelegal precedentborn in Manko, Punjab, India[11]
** Court opinions and decisions on the racial classification of Asian Indians. Visual Inspection of skin of Mixed race, Caucasian and Native Indian.
*** 1925 decision ruled specifically against Punjabis while other rulings were generally regarding all Indians, which is understood to have meant all those originally from South Asia.

The racial classification of Indian Americans has varied over the years and across institutions.[12] Originally, neither the courts nor the census bureau classified Indian Americans as a race because there were only negligible numbers of Indian immigrants in the United States. Various court judgements instead deemed Indians to be "White" or "not White" for the purposes of law. In 1970, in the most recent assignment, the U.S. Census Bureau designated Asian Indians as White.[13]

Since 1980, while keeping the validity of its earlier designation (White), the U.S. Census Bureau further allowed Indian Americans to self-report their ethnicity,[14] owing to the immense diversity of the Indian subcontinent, which is home to more than 2000 different ethnic groups[15] and all the racial groups known to mankind.[16] Only the continent of Africa exceeds the linguistic, genetic and cultural diversity of the nation of India.[17] The decision to let Indian Americans self-identify was made both in light of the aforementioned diversity in India, which has all the different racial groups represented in its diverse population, in addition to accommodate the fact that in recent years, increasingly diverse racial and ethnic groups of Indians and South Asians have immigrated to the United States, including from the North-West of the Indian subcontinent, where ethnic groups that may be classified as "Caucasian" are found.[16] After advocacy from the Indian American community, the racial category of Asian Indian was finally introduced in the 1980 U.S. census.

Initial perceptions

A Punjabi Mexican American couple, Valentina Alarez and Rullia Singh, posing for their wedding photo in 1917.

The earliest Indian immigrants into the United States were called "Hindus" even though the majority of them were Sikhs. Court clerks classified these early immigrants from the Punjab region as being "black", "white", or "brown" based on their skin color for the purpose of marriage licenses. In addition to being racialized by their color, they were also racialized as being "foreigners".[12]

The perception of Indian Americans as foreigners sometimes helped provide for better treatment, especially in states where de jure segregation was in place.[18] As opposed to being seen as black, in some states Indians were seen as outside of the traditional American racial spectrum, and consequently freed from the encumbrances that system entailed.[19][20]

Punjabi Sikhs in California found a closer camaraderie with Mexicans, resulting in a unique mixed-race community in the Yuba City area - the Punjabi Mexican Americans.[21][22]

Identity

Self-identification

The official classification of South Asian as part of the "Asian American" racial category represents an agreement of convenience for South Asians on where they fit on the black-white racial spectrum in the United States, as American society is largely dominated by only a "white" and "black" racial and skin color classification system.[23] Depending on the social and legal context, some Indian Americans may identify as either "white" or "black".[23] South Asian Americans and other types of Asian Americans mutually feel that there exists "profound racial difference" between themselves and the other Asian ethnic group. Furthermore, "Working-class or state school-educated second generation Indian Americans do not see a natural alliance or unity with other Asian American groups."[23] Many South Asian Americans have noted that their perceived differences in cultural, religious and racial/physical appearance with other Asian American ethnic groups has often lead them to being excluded in Asian American studies, narratives and media representations.[24]

Some South Asian Americans have identified themselves as being 'Brown Asians' or 'Brown South Asians',[25][26] While some Asian Americans (including South Asian descendants) may not identify with the "Asian American" label at all, due to the terms association with East Asian Americans.[27] As such, the 'Brown Asian' label sees some usage to further differentiate South and Southeast Asian Americans from those of East Asian descent.[25][24]

Identification by others

In 1989, the East–West Center published a research paper about Indian Americans that said that Americans find identifying South Asians by race and color to be difficult. The paper said that a 1978 survey of Americans asked the question, "Would you classify most people from India as being white, black, or something else?" The paper said that 38% of respondents classified most people from India as "other," 23% classified them as "brown," 15% classified them as "black," 13% did not know how to classify them, and 11% classified them as "white."[28]

In 2000, a series of interviews of second-generation Asian American college student leaders found that most of the interviewees who did not include Indian Americans as Asian Americans did not express a clear reason that was more than perceived difference in physical appearance and culture.[29]

Indian Americans have often been misidentified as being of Arabs or Middle Eastern origin, particularly after the September 11 attacks.[30] Assaults against turban-wearing Sikhs have become common since 9/11, due to Sikh turbans resembling the turban that Osama Bin Laden often wore in pictures.[31][32] After her win in 2013, Miss America winner Nina Davuluri was taunted online and called an "Arab" and a "terrorist" due to this misconception among the American public.[33]

The 2017 book, Indians In America, stated that Indians and other South Asians are a part of Asian Americans, yet apart from Asian Americans. While they are admitted among Asian Americans, they are not acknowledged among Asian Americans. According to this book, other Asian Americans characterize Indians and other South Asians to be "ambiguously nonwhite."[34]

Some have attributed the general exclusion of South Asian Americans from the Asian American label due to the term being synonymous with people of East Asian origin.[26][35] In 2019, it was noted that there were several presidential candidates of Asian American or Pacific Islander origin, including Andrew Yang and Kamala Harris, who are of Taiwanese and African American and Indian descent respectively. Frequently described by the media and campaigning himself as 'the' Asian American candidate,[36] Yang stated that his "Asian-ness [is] kind of obvious in a way that might not be true of Kamala or even Tulsi... That's not a choice. It's just a fairly evident reality."[37]

U.S. courts

Throughout much of the early 20th century, it was necessary for immigrants to be considered white in order to receive U.S. citizenship. U.S. courts classified Indians as both white and non-white through a number of cases.

In 1909, Bhicaji Balsara became the first Indian to gain U.S. citizenship. As a Parsi, he was ruled to be "the purest of Aryan type" and "as distinct from Hindus as are the English who dwell in India”. Thirty years later, the same Circuit Court to accept Balsara ruled that Rustom Dadabhoy Wadia, another Parsi from Bombay, was colored and therefore not eligible to receive U.S. citizenship.[38]

Thind case and attempted revocations of citizenship

In 1923, the Supreme Court decided in United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind that while Indians were classified as Caucasians by anthropologists, people of Indian descent were not white by common American definition, and thus not eligible to citizenship.[39] The court conceded that, while Thind was a high caste Hindu born in the northern Punjab region and classified by certain scientific authorities as of the Aryan race, he was not "White" since the word Aryan "has to do with linguistic and not necessarily with physical characteristics" and since "the average man knows perfectly well that there are unmistakable and profound differences" between Indians and white Americans. The court also clarified that the decision did not reflect or imply anything related to racial superiority or inferiority, but merely an observable difference.[40]

At the time, this decision began the process of retroactively stripping Indians of citizenship and land rights. The ruling also placated the Asiatic Exclusion League demands, spurned by growing outrage at the Hindoo Invasion alongside the pre-existing outrage at the Yellow Peril. As they became classified as colored, Indian Americans were not only denied American citizenship, but also banned by anti-miscegenation laws from marrying white Americans in the states of Arizona, Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia.[41]

Following the Thind case, the Bureau of Naturalization began action to strip Thind and other Indian-Americans of their citizenship, arguing it had been "illegally procured."[42] However, these efforts were forced to end by the government's loss in court in the case against Thind's own lawyer, a Californian named Sakharam Ganesh Pandit. By the time Pandit's case came to trial in 1926, forty-two of sixty-nine citizenships granted to Indians had been revoked.[43][44] Pandit, a skilled lawyer, argued that under the doctrine of equitable estoppel, he would be irreversibly harmed by the revocation of his American citizenship, which he had reasonably relied upon - he would become stateless, lose his property and law license, and his wife would lose her citizenship as well.[42]

Judge Paul McCormick, the initial trial judge, ruled in Pandit's favor, accepting his arguments wholeheartedly. In 1927, the Ninth Circuit upheld McCormick's ruling under the doctrine of res judicata.[42][45] As a result of Pandit's case, the US government subsequently dropped its other denaturalization cases against Indian Americans.[44][46]

In 1935, Thind relied on his status as a veteran of the United States military during World War I to petition for naturalization through the State of New York under the Nye-Lea Act, which made World War I veterans eligible for naturalization regardless of race. The government objected his latest petition, but Thind was finally granted American citizenship; yet the Government attempted to revoke it after nearly two decades from his first petition for naturalization.[47]

After World War II

In 1946, Congress, beginning to recognize that India would soon be independent, passed a new law that allowed Indians to become citizens, while also establishing an immigration quota.[40]

As David E. Bernstein explains in the book Classified, The Untold Story of Racial Classification in America, by the early 1970s most federal agencies identified Indian Americans as part of the white group, partly because they are Caucasian, and partly because they were deemed to be a "successful" immigrant group not in need of minority status. When the Office of Management and Budget announced proposed official racial classifications in 1976, Asian Indians were put into the white category. However, a small Indian American group based in New York City got wind of this, and successfully lobbied the government to put South Asians into the Asian American/Pacific Islander classification. Not all Indian Americans agreed with this change, but no other organized group found out about it until the classification was final and official.[48]

In 1993, Dale Sandhu, an East Indian whose origin is from the Punjab, took his former employer, Lockheed, to court on grounds of wrongful dismissal due to racial grounds. Lockheed attempted to counter Sandhu's claims by stating he is Caucasian, so he cannot allege discrimination based on race. In 1993, the California Superior Court Judge overseeing the case initially accepted Lockheed's view. [49][50] However in 1994, the California Sixth District Court of Appeals reversed the 1993 decision for Dale Sandhu. Lockheed argued that the "common popular understanding that there are three major human races — Caucasoid, Mongoloid, and Negroid." The Court of Appeals denied this 19th century classification of race, stating that Indian people are a distinct ethnic group of their own. According to United States Census, "Asian Indian" is considered one of the distinct 15 races. The Court of Appeals affirmed that Sandhu was subject to discriminatory hostility, based on being a member of a distinct racial group. The Court of Appeals said that Sandhu could make a claim of racial discrimination under FEHA within the jurisdiction of the Court. In 1989, the East–West Center published a research paper about Indian Americans that said that the term, "Asian Indian," one of the fourteen "Races" in the 1980 US Census, is an "artificial census category and not a meaningful racial, ethnic, or ancestral designation."

In 2015, in Dhar v. New York City Department of Transportation, Dhar, a former employee and a Christian Bangladeshi, alleged a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, based on his race, religion, and national origin. He alleged that his former supervisor, a Hindu Gujarati, illegally favored other Hindu Indian/Gujarati employees. The court dismissed the claim.[51][52]

U.S. Census

Official classification

The U.S. Census Bureau has changed over the years its own classification of Indians. In the 1930 and 1940 censuses, "Hindu" was listed as a racial category.[53] In 1975, the Ad Hoc Committee on Racial and Ethnic Definitions of the Federal Interagency Committee on Education made a report. The report describes how, as it was deliberating on how to classify groups for the 1970 US Census, South Asians presented a problem for the Ad Hoc Committee. The report presented the classification problem as being whether to classify South Asians as White Americans, because they are Caucasians, though sometimes with darker skin than other Caucasians, or to classify South Asians as Asian, a minority category, because they came from Asia, and could be subject to some discrimination in the United States. The report said that the Ad Hoc Committee decided to classify South Asians as White people, and South Asians were classified as White Americans for the 1970 US Census.[54]

Upon learning of the Ad Hoc Committee's decision, the Association of Indians in America (AIA) mobilized. During the 1970s, Indian Americans debated if they should give up trying to be "considered 'Caucasian/White'" to try to "seek or accept minority status".[55] Indian American groups, through their own petitioning, successfully changed their racial classification to Asian in the 1970s to have themselves included in state and federal Asian racial categories to benefit from affirmative action.[23] Specifically, starting in the mid-1970s, the AIA made the argument that since Indian Americans were minorities and thus entitled to the benefits of affirmative action,[54] Indian Americans should have "minority" group status. Without their request to be designated as minorities, Indian Americans would have continued to be designated as White Americans by the U.S government.[56]

In 1977, the Office of Management and Budget accepted the AIA's petition to change the race of Indian Americans from "White/Caucasian" to "Asian Indian."[56] Specifically, Indian Americans had their official race changed to Asian in 1977 "through Statistical Directive 15 of the Office of Management and Budget", causing Indian Americans to be listed as Asian in the 1980 US Census.[12] Due to the efforts of the AIA leaders, a new census category, "Asian Indian," was introduced for the 1980 US Census.[54] In 1977, there were so few Indian Americans that the racial change of Indian Americans from White Americans to Asian American attracted little attention.[57][58]

In 1989, the East–West Center published a research paper about Indian Americans that said that the term, "Asian Indian," one of the fourteen "Races" in the 1980 US Census, is an "artificial census category and not a meaningful racial, ethnic, or ancestral designation."

Self-identification

In the 1990 US Census, 65% of second generation South Asian Americans identified themselves using a South Asian term, 25% identified themselves as white and 5% identified themselves as black.[23] The 1990 U.S. Census classified write-in responses of "Aryan" as white even though write-in responses of "Indo-Aryan" were counted as Asian, and the 1990 US Census classified write-in responses of "Parsi" under Iranian American, who are classified as White along with Arab Americans and other Middle Eastern Americans.[59] The Asian American Institute proposed that the 2000 US Census make a new Middle Easterner racial category and the Punjabi from Pakistan wanted Pakistani Americans to be included in it.[60]

Some Indian Americans who were unfamiliar with the ethnonymic conventions used in the United States, mistakenly indicated that they were "American Indian" as their race in the 1990 US Census, because they were unaware that this term is used in the United States to refer to Native Americans.[23]

National Origin and Race
Race Selected on 1990 US Census (%)
South Asian
NationalityNWhiteBlack'Asian Indian' boxNationality
write-in		Other
Indian2,0904.3%2.2%88.8%1.2%3.5%
Pakistani2996.7%0.3%25.8%65.9%1.3%
Bangladeshi531.9%0.0%43.4%50.9%3.8%
Sri Lankan387.9%0.0%26.3%65.8%0.0%
Total2,4804.6%1.9%79.3%11.1%3.2%
Source: IPUMS 1990 1% unweighted sample
Source: Morning (2001)[61]

U.S. forensics

In 2005, an article in a journal by the FBI Laboratory defined the term "Caucasoid," as the term is used in forensic hair examinations. It defined the term as, "an anthropological term designating one of the major groups of human beings originating from Europe and originating from the Indian subcontinent."[62][63]

Identity

Self-identification

Indian Americans self-identify as belonging to different races, depending on their genetic ancestry and resulting personal appearance. As India is home to more than 2,000 different ethnic groups that span all the races of mankind, Indian-Americans belong to most of the major racial groupings -- including Caucasian, and Mongoloid. The caste system in India has preserved genetic heritage across generations, and as a result, there are many Indians that belong to groups whose ancestry is from outside the subcontinent, primarily rooted in the Middle East, Europe and Central Asia.[64]

Nikki Haley, the Indian American governor of South Carolina, whose parents are from Punjab in Northwest India, identified as 'white' on her voter registration card in 2001.[65]

The official classification of South Asians as part of the Asian racial category represents an agreement of convenience for South Asians on where they fit on the racially divided black-white spectrum in America.[23] South Asian Americans and other types of Asian Americans mutually feel that there exists "profound racial difference" between themselves and the other Asian ethnic group. Furthermore, "Working-class or state school-educated second generation Indian Americans do not see a natural alliance or unity with other Asian American groups."[23]

Identification by others

In 1989, the East–West Center published a research paper about Indian Americans that said that Americans find identifying South Asians by race and color to be difficult. The paper said that a 1978 survey of Americans asked the question, "Would you classify most people from India as being white, black, or something else?" The paper said that 38% of respondents classified most people from India as "other," 23% classified them as "brown," 15% classified them as "black," 13% did not know how to classify them, and 11% classified them as "white."[28]

In 2000, a series of interviews of second-generation Asian American college student leaders found that most of the interviewees who did not include Indian Americans as Asian Americans did not express a clear reason that was more than perceived difference in physical appearance and culture.[66]

Indian Americans have often been misidentified as being of Arabs or Middle Eastern origin, particularly after the September 11 attacks.[30] Assaults against turban-wearing Sikhs have become common since 9/11, due to Sikh turbans resembling the turban that Osama Bin Laden often wore in pictures.[67][68] After her win in 2013, Miss America winner Nina Davuluri was taunted online and called an "Arab" and a "terrorist" due to this misconception among the American public.[69]

In 2015, Sureshbhai Patel was described by a suspicious caller as a "skinny black guy" before he was beaten and severely injured by Alabama police officers.[70]

The 2017 book, Indians In America, stated that Indians and other South Asians are a part of Asian Americans, yet apart from Asian Americans. While they are admitted among Asian Americans, they are not acknowledged among Asian Americans. According to this book, other Asian Americans characterize Indians and other South Asians to be "ambiguously nonwhite."[71]

Some have attributed the general exclusion of South Asian Americans from the Asian American label due to the term being synonymous with people of East Asian origin.[26][72] In 2019, it was noted that there were several presidential candidates of Asian American or Pacific Islander origin, including Andrew Yang and Kamala Harris, who are of Taiwanese and Indian descent respectively. Frequently described by the media and campaigning himself as 'the' Asian American candidate,[73] Yang stated that his "Asian-ness [is] kind of obvious in a way that might not be true of Kamala or even Tulsi... That’s not a choice. It’s just a fairly evident reality.”[74]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Lopez, Ian Haney (1996). White By Law: The Legal Construction of Race. New York University Press. ISBN 9780814736944.
  2. ↑ White by Law: How the U.S. Courts Established the White Race (Excerpted from White By Law). (2015). Model Minority. Retrieved November 1, 2015, from link
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 Banks, T.L. (1998). Both Edges of the Margin: Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building. In Asian American Law Journal. Volume 5. Article 2. pp. 19 - 22.
  4. 1 2 Howard, D. (2006). A.K. Mozumdar. Yesterday's Evangelist from India. Retrieved on October 31, 2015, from link
  5. ↑ The Federal Reporter: with key number annotations. Volume 246. (1918). St. Paul: West Publishing, Co. pp. 500.
  6. ↑ The Federal Reporter: With Key-Number Annotations. Volume 257. (1919). St. Paul: West Publishing, Co. pp. 209 & 212.
  7. 1 2 United States v. Thind. (2015). Casetext.Retrieved November 1, 2015, from link
  8. ↑ United States v. Ali. (2015). Casetext. Retrieved October 31, 2015, from link
  9. ↑ United States v. Gokhale. (2015). Casetext. Retrieved October 31, 2015, from link.
  10. ↑ Wadia v. United States. (2015). Casetext. Retrieved October 31, 2015, from link.
  11. ↑ Kharaiti Ram Samras v. United States. (2015). Casetext. Retrieved October 31, 2015, from link.
  12. 1 2 3 Harpalani, Vinay, DesiCrit: Theorizing the Racial Ambiguity of South Asian Americans (August 12, 2013). 69 NYU Annual Survey of American Law 77 (2013); Chicago-Kent College of Law Research Paper No. 2013-30. pp. 123, 124 & 136. Available at SSRN: link
  13. ↑ Espiritu, Yen (1993). "Asian American Panethnicity: Bridging Institutions and Identities". American Journal of Sociology. 99 (3): 796–798. doi:10.1086/230340. JSTOR 2781307.
  14. ↑ Campbell Gibson and Kay Jung, Historical Census Statistics On Population Totals By Race, 1790 to 1990, and By Hispanic Origin, 1970 to 1990, For Large Cities And Other Urban Places In The United States Working Paper no. 76 (2005); see footnote 6 in paper
  15. ↑ US Department of State (17 April 2012). "Background Note: India".
  16. 1 2 Bhasin, M.K. Racial, Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Elements in Indian Population
  17. ↑ India, a Country Study United States Library of Congress, Note on Ethnic groups
  18. ↑ "Indian Independence And The African American Struggle". Little India: Overseas Indian, NRI, Asian Indian, Indian American. 17 August 2007.
  19. ↑ New York Times. "Negro Pastor Traveled in the South in Turban". New York Times. Retrieved 17 March 2016.
  20. ↑ Desai, Manan (8 July 2014). "The 'Tan Stranger' from Ceylon". South Asian American Digital Archive. SAADA. Retrieved 17 March 2016.
  21. ↑ Karen Leonard, PhD (May 1989). "The World & I". The Washington Times Corporation. Archived from the original on 2007-06-09. Retrieved 2019-03-12.
  22. ↑ Palhotra, Nishi. "The 'dirty Hindus' Archived 2019-06-30 at the Wayback Machine." Hardnews. March 2008. Retrieved on April 15, 2012.
  23. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Morning, Ann. "The racial self-identification of South Asians in the United States" (PDF). Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (Vol. 27): 1–19. Retrieved 9 January 2019.
  24. 1 2 Nadal, Kevin L (February 2, 2020). "The Brown Asian American Movement: Advocating for South Asian, Southeast Asian, and Filipino American Communities". Asian American Policy Review. 29. Retrieved April 22, 2022. South Asian Americans have shared how they are excluded from the Asian American umbrella because of their cultural, religious, and racial/phenotypic differences – resulting in lack of representation in Asian American Studies, narratives, and media representations.
  25. 1 2 Schiavenza, Matt (October 19, 2016). "Why Some 'Brown Asians' Feel Left Out of the Asian American Conversation". Asia Society. Retrieved April 22, 2022. And that, unfortunately, did not include any South Asians and only one Filipino. That caused a bit of an outcry. It raises a legitimate issue, of course, one about how 'brown Asians' often feel excluded from the Asian American conversation.
  26. 1 2 3 Kulkarni, Saili S. (April 24, 2021). "South Asians Are Asians Too. When Will Our Racial Reckoning Be?". Ms. Retrieved March 24, 2022.
  27. ↑ Schiavenza, Matt (October 19, 2016). "Why Some 'Brown Asians' Feel Left Out of the Asian American Conversation". Asia Society. Retrieved April 22, 2022. It's one of the reasons many brown Asians do not identify as Asian Americans. Perhaps we just don't feel connected to East Asian people, cultures, and lived realities. Perhaps we also don't feel welcomed and included.
  28. 1 2 Xenos, P., Barringer, H., & Levin, M.J. (1989). Asian Indians in the United States: A 1980 census Profile. Papers of the East-West Population Institute, (111). Pages 1, 9-12, 15 & 18. Wayback Machine link.
  29. ↑ Park, Jerry Z (2008). "Second-Generation Asian American Pan-Ethnic Identity: Pluralized Meanings of a Racial Label" (PDF). Sociological Perspectives. 51 (3): 549. doi:10.1525/sop.2008.51.3.541. S2CID 146327919.
  30. 1 2 Bhatia, S (2008). "9/11 and the Indian Diaspora: Narratives of Race, Place and Immigrant Identity" (PDF). Journal of Intercultural Studies. 29 (1): 27, 30 & 32. doi:10.1080/07256860701759923. S2CID 73713945. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2019-07-21.
  31. ↑ Amanda Jackson and Chris Boyette (9 August 2018). "In the last week, two Sikh men have been viciously attacked in central California". CNN. Retrieved 22 January 2020.
  32. ↑ "Being Sikh in Trump's America: 'You have to go out of your way to prove you're not a threat'". Los Angeles Times. 11 June 2017. Retrieved 22 January 2020.
  33. ↑ . 'Miss America Nina Davuluri brushes off racist remarks'. September 16, 2013.
  34. ↑ Chakravorty, S., Kapur, D. & Singh, N. (2017). The Other One Percent: Indians in America. Page 179. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Books link.
  35. ↑ Kamhampaty, Anna Purna (March 12, 2020). "At Census Time, Asian Americans Again Confront the Question of Who 'Counts' as Asian. Here's How the Answer Got So Complicated". Time. Archived from the original on August 17, 2021. But American culture tends not to think of all regions in Asia as equally Asian ... the SAT in 2016 tweaked its race categories, explaining to test-takers that "Asian" did include "Indian subcontinent and Philippines origin."
  36. ↑ Kamhampaty, Anna Purna (March 12, 2020). "At Census Time, Asian Americans Again Confront the Question of Who 'Counts' as Asian. Here's How the Answer Got So Complicated". Time. Archived from the original on August 17, 2021. Andrew Yang, who is of Taiwanese descent, was frequently framed by the media and his own campaign as the Asian candidate, despite his rival Kamala Harris having Indian heritage
  37. ↑ Stevens, Matt (May 22, 2019). "At a Historic Moment for Asian-American Candidates, Andrew Yang Leans In". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 29, 2021.
  38. ↑ Postmodernism & a Sociology...(c). University of Arkansas Press. pp. 143–. ISBN 978-1-61075-322-7.
  39. ↑ United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, Certificate From The Circuit Court Of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit., No. 202. Argued 11, 12 January 1923.—Decided 19 February 1923, United States Reports, v. 261, The Supreme Court, October Term, 1922, 204–215.
  40. 1 2 "Not All Caucasians Are White: The Supreme Court Rejects Citizenship for Asian Indians". History Matters. Retrieved 20 August 2013.
  41. ↑ Loving Day: Celebrate the Legalization of Interracial Couples
  42. 1 2 3 Coulson, Doug (2017). Race, nation, and refuge : the rhetoric of race in Asian American citizenship cases. Albany: SUNY Press. pp. 76–82. ISBN 978-1-4384-6662-0. OCLC 962141092.
  43. ↑ Jacoby, Harold S. (1958-11-01). "More Thind Against Than Sinning". The Pacific Historian. Stockton, CA: College of the Pacific. II (4): 1–2, 8.
  44. 1 2 Asian American history and culture : an encyclopedia. Ling, Huping, 1956-, Austin, Allan W. London: Routledge. 2015. ISBN 978-1-315-70630-6. OCLC 958107019.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  45. ↑ "United States v. Sakharam Ganesh Pandit, 15 F.2d 285 | Casetext". casetext.com. Archived from the original on 2019-07-29. Retrieved 2020-01-22.
  46. ↑ Rangaswamy, Padma (2007). Indian Americans. Johnston, Robert D. New York: Chelsea House. p. 27. ISBN 978-1-4381-0712-7. OCLC 228654847.
  47. ↑ Coulson, Doug (2015). "British Imperialism, the Indian Independence Movement, and the Racial Eligibility Provisions of the Naturalization Act: United States v. Thind Revisited". Georgetown Journal of Law & Modern Critical Race Perspectives (7): 1–42. SSRN 2610266.
  48. ↑ Bernstein, David E. Classified: The Untold Story of Racial Classification in America (New York: Bombardier Books 2022)
  49. ↑ Baum, B. (2006). The Rise and Fall of the Caucasian Race: A Political History of Racial Identity. New York & London: New York University Press. Page 3. Google Books link.
  50. ↑ SANDHU v. LOCKHEED MISSILES AND SPACE COMPANY. (n.d.). FindLaw FOR LEGAL PROFESSIONALS. Wayback Machine link.
  51. ↑ Dhar v. New York City Department of Transportation. (2019). Casetext. Link.
  52. ↑ Banks, T.L. (2015). Colorism Among South Asians: Title VII and Skin Tone Discrimination. Washington University Global Studies Law Review, (14),4. Page 679. Wayback Machine link.
  53. ↑ Shankar, L.D. & Rajini Srikanth, R. (1998). A Part, Yet Apart: South Asians in Asian America. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. pp. xiv. ISBN 1-56639-577-1.
  54. 1 2 3 Kurien, P. (2018). Shifting U.S. Racial and Ethnic Identities of Sikh American Activism. RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences, 4(5). Page 88. Wayback Machine link.
  55. ↑ Banks, T.L. (1998). Both Edges of the Margin: Blacks and Asians in Mississippi Masala, Barriers to Coalition Building. Asian American Law Journal, 5(2). Page 22. Wayback Machine link.
  56. 1 2 Smelser, N.J, Wilson, W.J., & Mitchell, F. (2001). America Becoming: Racial Trends and Their Consequences, Volume 1. Washington, D.C.: National Academies Press. Page 255. Wayback Machine link.
  57. ↑ Prewitt, K. (2013). What Is "Your" Race?: The Census and Our Flawed Efforts to Classify Americans. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Page 101. Google Books link.
  58. ↑ Cohn, D'Vera. "Race and the Census: The "Negro" Controversy". Pew Research Center. Retrieved 8 January 2019.
  59. ↑ University of Michigan. Census 1990: Ancestry Codes. at the Wayback Machine (archived March 13, 2005)
  60. ↑ Menon, Sridevi. Duke University. "Where is West Asia in Asian America? Asia and the Politics of Space in Asian America." 2004. April 26, 2007.
  61. ↑ Morning, A. (2001). The racial self-identification of South Asians in the United States. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 27(1). Page 72. Wayback Machine link.
  62. ↑ Scientific Working Group on Materials Analysis (SWGMAT). (2005). Forensic Human Hair Examination Guidelines. Forensic Science Communications, (7)2. Wayback Machine link.
  63. ↑ About FSC. (n.d.). The FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation. Wayback Machine link.
  64. ↑ . Frontiers of Genetics. January 23, 2018.
  65. ↑ "Indian Nikki Haley Says She Is White". Mother Jones. July 29, 2011.
  66. ↑ Park, Jerry Z (2008). "Second-Generation Asian American Pan-Ethnic Identity: Pluralized Meanings of a Racial Label" (PDF). Sociological Perspectives. 51 (3): 549. doi:10.1525/sop.2008.51.3.541. S2CID 146327919.
  67. ↑ Amanda Jackson and Chris Boyette (9 August 2018). "In the last week, two Sikh men have been viciously attacked in central California". CNN. Retrieved 22 January 2020.
  68. ↑ "Being Sikh in Trump's America: 'You have to go out of your way to prove you're not a threat'". Los Angeles Times. 11 June 2017. Retrieved 22 January 2020.
  69. ↑ . 'Miss America Nina Davuluri brushes off racist remarks'. September 16, 2013.
  70. ↑ Harpalani, V (2015). "To be White, Black, or Brown? South Asian Americans and the Race-Color Distinction". Washington University Global Studies Law Review. 14 (4): 610. Archived from the original on 2019-08-03.
  71. ↑ Chakravorty, S., Kapur, D. & Singh, N. (2017). The Other One Percent: Indians in America. Page 179. New York: Oxford University Press. Google Books link.
  72. ↑ Kamhampaty, Anna Purna (March 12, 2020). "At Census Time, Asian Americans Again Confront the Question of Who 'Counts' as Asian. Here's How the Answer Got So Complicated". Time. Archived from the original on August 17, 2021. But American culture tends not to think of all regions in Asia as equally Asian ... the SAT in 2016 tweaked its race categories, explaining to test-takers that "Asian" did include "Indian subcontinent and Philippines origin."
  73. ↑ Kamhampaty, Anna Purna (March 12, 2020). "At Census Time, Asian Americans Again Confront the Question of Who 'Counts' as Asian. Here's How the Answer Got So Complicated". Time. Archived from the original on August 17, 2021. Andrew Yang, who is of Taiwanese descent, was frequently framed by the media and his own campaign as the Asian candidate, despite his rival Kamala Harris having Indian heritage
  74. ↑ Stevens, Matt (May 22, 2019). "At a Historic Moment for Asian-American Candidates, Andrew Yang Leans In". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 29, 2021.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.